Finally, they can vote for the candidate who is most likely in the voters' perception to change things in a way or in a way that leaves them the most satisfied. Voters calculate the cost of voting. WebThe Columbia Studies The modern history of academic voting research began in 1940 at Columbia University, where a team of social scientists assembled by Paul Lazarsfeld There may be a vote that is different from partisan identification, but in the medium to long term, partisan identification should strengthen. From the perspective of the issue vote, there are four main ways to explain how and why voters are going to vote a certain way and why parties are going to position themselves. The intensity directional model adds an element that is related to the intensity with which candidates and political parties defend certain positions. We must also take into account other socializing agents that can socialize us and make us develop a form of partisan identification. The psycho-sociological model, also known as the Michigan model, can be represented graphically or schematically. We want to know how and why a voter will vote for a certain party. There is a small degree of complexity because one can distinguish between attitudes towards the candidate or the party, attitudes towards the policies implemented by the different parties and attitudes about the benefits that one's own group may receive from voting for one party rather than another. Other researchers have tried to propose combined models that combine different explanations. 0000001213 00000 n In prospective voting, Grofman said that the position of current policy is also important because the prospective assessment that one can make as a voter of the parties' political platforms also depends on current policy. Merrill, Samuel, and Bernard Grofman. The presupposition for spatial theories of voting has already been mentioned, namely the stake vote. Thus, the interpretation of differences in voting behaviour from one group to another is to be sought in the position of the group in society and in the way its relations with parties have developed. In the spatial theories of the vote, we see the strategic link between a party's supply and a demand from voters or electors. Finally, some studies show that high levels of education lead to weaker attachments to parties. Another strategy is the so-called "shortcut" that voters take within the rationalist framework of voting, since they are confronted with the problem of information and have to choose on the basis of this information. xxxiii, 178. WebThis voter is voting based on what is going to benefit them. A distinction can be made between the simple proximity model, which is the Downs model, and the proximity model with Grofman discounting. The main explanatory factors have been sought in socio-economic status and socio-demographic variables such as "age," "gender," and "education. Is partisan identification one-dimensional? Voters try to maximize their individual utility. Voters are more interested in political results than in political programmes, and the choice is also made from this perspective. From this point of view, parties adopt political positions that maximize their electoral support, what Downs calls the median voters and the idea that parties would maximize their electoral support around the center of the political spectrum. The government is blamed for the poor state of the economy. Today, in the literature, we talk about the economic vote in a narrower and slightly different sense, namely that the electoral choice is strongly determined by the economic situation and by the policies that the government puts in place in particular to deal with situations of economic difficulty. The simple proximity model is that the voter will vote for the party or parties that are in the same direction. La dernire modification de cette page a t faite le 11 novembre 2020 01:26. The utility function of the simple proximity model appears, i.e. With regard to the question of how partisan identification develops, the psycho-sociological model emphasizes the role of the family and thus of primary socialization, but several critics have shown that secondary socialization also plays a role. The same can be said of the directional model with intensity. how does partisan identification develop? Downs already put ideology at the centre of his explanation. It has often been emphasized that this model and approach raises more questions than answers. endstream endobj 44 0 obj <> endobj 45 0 obj <> endobj 46 0 obj <>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text]>> endobj 47 0 obj <> endobj 48 0 obj <> endobj 49 0 obj <> endobj 50 0 obj <> endobj 51 0 obj <>stream 0000011193 00000 n For some, this model overestimates the capabilities that voters have. According to Fiorina, identification with a party is not necessarily the result of a long phase of socialization, but it is also the result of evaluations of a certain party, it is the fact of voting for that party that makes it possible to develop a partisan identification. Stock Exchanges Publish Clawback Proposals As required by Rule 10D-1 under the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended (the Exchange Act), the New York Stock Reinforcement over time since adult voters increasingly rely on this partisan identification to vote and to face the problems of information, namely partisan identification seen as a way of solving a problem that all voters have, which is how to form an idea and deal with the abundance and complexity of the information that comes to us from, for example, the media, political campaigns or others in relation to the political offer. Harrop, Martin, and William L. Miller. JSTOR. the difference in the cost-benefit ratio that different parties give. There are different types of individuals who take different kinds of shortcuts or not, who vote systematically or not, and so on. In this approach, it is possible to say that the voter accepts the arguments of a certain party because he or she feels close to a party and not the opposite which would be what the economic model of the vote postulates, that is to say that we listen to what the party has to say and we will choose that party because we are convinced by what that party says. As part of spatial theories of the vote, some theories consider the characteristics of candidates. "The answer is "yes", as postulated by spatial theories, or "no", as stated by Przeworski and Sprague, for example. Otherwise, our usefulness as voters decreases as a party moves away, i.e. Webgain. Basically, Downs was wrong to talk about proximity logic and to explain some of the exceptions to the proximity model. Some have criticized this model saying that it puts forward the one-dimensional image of the human being and politics, that is, that it is purely rational, hypercognitive in a way without taking into account sociological but also psychological elements. The limitations are the explanation of partisan identification, which is that the model has been criticized because it explains or does not explain too much about where partisan identification comes from except to say that it is the result of primary socialization. The external factors would be the factors that, in the basic theory of the psycho-sociological approach, it would seem that this is what can do but if we have a certain partisan attachment to vote for another party because we are influenced by one or other of these factors but, basically, we keep our partisan attachment and the next time when these factors change, we return to the normal vote corresponding to the partisan attachment. However, this is empirically incorrect. Of course, there have been attempts to assess the explanatory power of directional models, but according to these researchers, these spatial models were designed to be purely theoretical in order to highlight on a purely theoretical level what motivations voters may have for their electoral choice. Political Behaviour: Historical and methodological benchmarks, The structural foundations of political behaviour, The cultural basis of political behaviour, PEOPLE'S CHOICE: how the voter makes up his mind in a presidential campaign, https://doi.org/10.1177/000271624926100137, https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414094027002001, https://baripedia.org/index.php?title=Theoretical_models_of_voting_behaviour&oldid=49464, Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). They may rely less on their partisan loyalties, so their vote may be explained less by their social base and more by their choice among an offer that is the economic model. Voters try to maximize the usefulness of the vote, that is, they try to vote for the party that makes them more satisfied. They find that partisan identification becomes more stable with age, so the older you get, the more partisan identification you have, so it's much easier to change when you're young. Finally, in a phase of misalignment, this would be the economic model, since there is a loss of these partisan loyalties, so these voters become more and more reactive to political events and therefore may be more rational in their decision-making process. However, we see that this is not always true and that there are parties that propose more extreme policies that receive considerable electoral support. Thus, voters find it easier to assess performance than declared plans during an election campaign. This is also known as the Columbia model. Those with a lower sense of Webbehavior covers a large range of possible subjects of research, from the behaviors of bureaucrats and interest groups to the dealings of political terrorists. In the study of electoral behaviour, there is a simple distinction between what is called prospective voting and retrospective voting. maximum proximity, as the party, his or her utility increases, and when the voter moves away from the party, his or her utility decreases. Many researchers have criticised the Downs proximity model in particular. We can talk about two major theories or two major models or even three models. The psycho-sociological model says that it is because this inking allows identification with a party which in turn influences political attitudes and therefore predispositions with regard to a given object, with regard to the candidate or the party, and this is what ultimately influences the vote. Using real data, the model has a predictive accuracy of 94.6% and an ROC AUC score of 96%. Linked to this, it is important to look at individual data empirically as well. Several studies show that the impact of partisan identification varies greatly from one context to another. This is the median voter theory. WebThere are various major models that explain our electoral decision, and I would like to focus now on the main models of electoral behavior. (1949). It is by this configuration that May tries to explain this anomaly which is due to the fact that there is a group of voters who become activists within the party and who succeed in shifting the party's positioning towards the extremes. They try to elaborate a bit and find out empirically how this happens. When we talk about the Downs model, we also talk about the proximity model, which is the idea of a rational economic mode based on utility maximization. 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